Written by Dr. Stacey Patton
Barack Obama always has a lecture ready for Black men.
Remember his famous Father’s Day Speech in 2008? From the pulpit of the Apostolic Church of God on Chicago’s South Side, Obama basically implied that Black men are just overgrown boys who abandon their responsibilities. His message? “Hey, Black dads, fatherhood isn’t just about making babies—don’t think your job is done after conception. Oh, and while you’re at it, maybe turn off SportsCenter and actually engage with your kids.”
The next year at the NAACP National Convention he scolded Black men about personal responsibility, again emphasizing fatherhood and accountability, while neglecting to address the broader socioeconomic barriers that Black men face in their daily lives. Oh, and let’s not forget, that was the same speech where he suggested we go back to the good ol’ days when the whole village could whup children and send them back home where they’d get whupped again. Because clearly, more physical punishment and intergenerational trauma is the key to fixing systemic racism.
He did it again at a 2013 Morehouse commencementwhile standing before a crowd of young Black men who had worked hard to achieve their degrees. Instead of celebrating their triumphs, he hit them with a speech about responsibility, pulling up their pants, and not making excuses. Completely tone-deaf.
I mean, these high-achieving Black men just survived growing up Black in America, all kinds of systemic K-12 traps, years of academia, late nights cramming for exams, and student loan debt, and Obama shows up like, “Congrats on your degree, but let’s talk about sagging pants and bad attitudes.” Because nothing says “I’m proud of y’all” like a lecture on personal responsibility when you’re standing there with a college degree in hand.
Oh, and there was that radio interview in 2020 he did withThe Breakfast Club. Obama again emphasized personal responsibility when discussing Black voter turnout. He suggested that Black men who didn’t vote for Hillary Clinton in 2016 had failed in their duty to the community, rather than acknowledging their potential disillusionment with the political system.
Fast forward to his latest critique.
Obama, dubbed as “the scolder-in-chief” by a Washington Post contributor, is now complaining about what he perceives as a lack of energy from Black men for Kamala Harris. In his eyes, Black men are not enthusiastic enough. But what evidence does he really have to back this up? Where are the surveys, data points, or voter turnout analyses that specifically point to this alleged lack of enthusiasm? Or is this just Obama once again assuming he’s got his finger on the pulse of Black men everywhere, while he’s actually lecturing from the comfort of a disconnected, high horse?
But could you really blame Black men if this were true?
They’re out here navigating a society where they’re constantly told they ain’t shit—from the media, from politicians, even from the mouths of their own leaders. They’re still being murdered by police with impunity, over-policed, underemployed, and scrutinized as failures across every conceivable social and economic indices.
Obama, of all people, should know better. His ability to walk the tightrope of racial respectability politics doesn’t mean every Black man can or should do the same. And now he’s frustrated about a supposed lack of enthusiasm for Kamala? Please. How about we ask why they might be less than enthusiastic in the first place?
Let’s be real—Black men have every reason to feel exhausted.
They’re fighting for their lives, literally and metaphorically, in a system stacked against them at every turn. If their energy feels low, maybe it’s because they’re tired of being kicked down every time they try to stand up.
Perhaps this lack of “energy” is rooted in exhaustion from being measured against impossible standards while being told in every way that their lives don’t matter. Instead of scolding, maybe Obama could acknowledge the fight Black men are already in—one they didn’t ask for but one they’ve been forced to wage every single day.
Are there segments of Black men who aren’t voting for Kamala because of their understanding of her criminal justice policies? Yes.
Are there Black men who won’t vote for her because of Gaza? Absolutely.
Are there Black men who won’t vote for her because they’re sexist or they think she’s not Black enough? Without a doubt.
Are there Black men who won’t vote for her because they feel politicians, including her, have consistently failed to deliver on promises to Black communities? Yep.
Are there Black men who are disillusioned by the entire political system, feeling that neither party truly represents their interests? Is the Pope Catholic?
Are there Black men who won’t vote for her because of her prosecutorial record and its impact on Black families? Definitely.
Are there Black men who refuse to support her because they see her as part of the establishment that doesn’t address the systemic issues they face daily? Absolutely.
Are there Black men who are tired of being told who they should support without anyone addressing their unique concerns? 100%.
Despite all these concerns, there are Black men who are showing up and supporting Harris because they see her as a groundbreaking figure—someone who shattered ceilings as the first woman of color to serve as Vice President. They recognize the historical significance of her candidacy and support her because they believe in her potential to fight for marginalized communities and push progressive policies that can positively impact Black families and future generations.
Additionally, there are those who recognize that the alternative is a Trump win, which means the potential rise of fascism and an increase in policies that could result in more death and harm for Black communities. For these Black men, supporting Kamala Harris is a strategic choice to protect the future of Black lives and maintain a foothold in the fight against systemic oppression and white supremacy.
What we’re witnessing in this political moment isn’t just about a lack of energy from Black men—it’s part of a broader sense of malaise sweeping the country, and it’s affecting everyone. People across all demographics are disillusioned with politics. Voter turnout, trust in institutions, and belief in the system’s ability to deliver real change are at some of the lowest levels we’ve seen in decades. It’s not just Black men who feel left out—working-class people, women, young voters, and other marginalized communities are fed up with broken promises and politicians who seem more out of touch than ever.
The pandemic, economic instability, skyrocketing inflation, growing wealth inequality, climate crises, housing shortages, and a sense of endless political gridlock have made people feel powerless. It’s not that they don’t care; they’re just exhausted by a system that asks for their support while failing to fix the very problems that plague their daily lives. Scolding Black men, or anyone for that matter, for not having “enough energy” ignores the deeper frustration people feel about their voices not being heard. Scolding won’t fix the system; addressing these systemic issues and making meaningful changes will.
It’s easier for Obama and others to hone in on Black men for political convenience. Black men have historically been positioned as scapegoats for a variety of societal ills. Whether it’s crime, poverty, or now political disengagement, there’s a well-worn narrative that blames Black men for the larger failures of the system. This is rooted in centuries-old stereotypes that paint Black men as irresponsible or apathetic, making them easy targets for criticism, especially when politicians or media figures are looking for someone to blame. It’s a pattern: when things go wrong, find the nearest marginalized group, often Black men, and shift the narrative to individual failings rather than systemic issues.
Black men, while being an important voting bloc, aren’t always treated as such. Instead of addressing their valid concerns—like police violence, economic instability, mass incarceration, and health disparities—it’s easier to lean into respectability politics and issue blanket statements about “personal responsibility.” This lets political figures off the hook from dealing with the complexities of systemic change.
On top of that, homing in on Black men oversimplifies the larger crisis of faith in political systems. Yes, Black men may feel disillusioned, but so do many other groups across the country, as I mentioned before. The reason they are singled out is because this focus avoids the heavier lifting of addressing broader frustrations like economic inequality, the health care crisis, and the growing powerlessness many people feel. By focusing on Black men, politicians and pundits avoid admitting that disillusionment is a widespread issue affecting many demographics. Blaming Black men allows the system to avoid self-reflection. It’s easier to chastise one group than to reckon with why so many people are tired of politics as usual.
And let’s be real—how much did Obama’s administration actually improve the lives of Black men? Oop.
Sure, he gave us hope, inspiration, and a beautiful image of a Black family in the White House. But when it comes to tangible, structural changes that could improve the lives of Black men in the long term, the record is murky at best.
Did police violence against Black men decrease during his administration? Nah. We saw Trayvon Martin, Eric Garner, Michael Brown, Tamir Rice—the list goes on. And while Obama made heartfelt speeches, where was the policy overhaul to address police brutality?
Did Obama seriously tackle mass incarceration? He talked about it, but let’s not forget that his administration didn’t take meaningful steps toward comprehensive criminal justice reform until his second term—and by then, the damage was already done.
What about the economic struggles Black men face? Under his administration, Black unemployment remained disproportionately high, and wealth disparities between Black and white households widened. Sure, the economy recovered, but that recovery didn’t touch Black men in the same way. They remained at the margins, trying to pick up the pieces.
How about education? Obama pushed for reforms like Race to the Top, but those reforms didn’t do much to close the educational gap for Black boys, who continue to face systemic bias, underfunded schools, and high suspension rates.
While Obama’s presidency brought a lot of symbolic wins for Black people, including Black men, the deeper, systemic issues that Black men face—like mass incarceration, police violence, and economic disenfranchisement—didn’t see the kind of transformative change they needed.
So, when he lectures Black men now, it feels out of touch with the reality of their lived experiences, especially considering the limited impact his policies had on the very issues he’s scolding them about.
The criticism of Black men for not showing enough enthusiasm for Kamala Harris is not a new phenomenon. In fact, this pattern of blaming Black men for political outcomes, often with little evidence or misinterpreted data, has been happening for years. Back in 2020, Black men were unfairly blamed for “drifting” toward Trump, despite the majority voting for Biden. It was a classic example of data being misinterpreted and weaponized to craft negative narratives about Black men.
In the lead-up to the 2020 election, a flurry of articles fixated on the notion that Black men were turning toward Donald Trump, often attributing this shift to chauvinism, economic interests, or political disillusionment. These articles painted a complex picture, blending legitimate political concerns with accusations of sexism, as some Black men questioned the Democratic Party’s commitment to their needs while others supported Trump’s economic policies or expressed dissatisfaction with the status quo.
Here’s a sampling of some of the headlines:
• “Black Men Voting For Trump Because of Chauvinism” (Yahoo News)
• “Maxine Waters Says She’ll Never Forgive Black Men Who Vote For Trump” (Washington Post)
• “Can Trump Woo Enough Black Men to Hurt Biden In Battleground States?” (New York Times)
• “Are 50 Cent, Ice Cube and Young Black Men the Supporters Who Will Enable Trump’s Return to the White House?” (The Conversation)
• “The ‘Eloquent Rage’ Of Brittney Cooper Over Black Men Voting For Trump” (The Washington Post)
These headlines reflect the recurring narrative of Black men being either politically disloyal or voting against their own interests. It was particularly telling how this focus on Black men voting for Trump (despite being a minority) overshadowed the real conversation: why so many Black men felt alienated from the Democratic Party in the first place. The media fixation often ignored larger systemic issues and overlooked the complexity of Black male voters, instead boiling it down to stereotypes of sexism or self-interest.
According to exit polls, Black men made up around 5% of voters, and of that group, around 20% voted for Trump while 80% voted for Biden. In terms of scale, when we break down those numbers: if Black men comprised around 5% of all voters in the 2020 election, and 20% of that group voted for Trump, it means that about 1% of the total voters were Black men supporting Trump. The other 4% of total voters were Black men casting ballots for Biden. So, despite all the focus on Black men “drifting” toward Trump, the reality is that a vast majority still voted for Biden. But headlines and social media fixated on the 18%, blowing it out of proportion and ignoring the fact that the overwhelming majority still supported Biden. Meanwhile, the 8% of Black women who supported Trump (up from 2% in 2016) barely got a mention.
This selective outrage is part of a broader pattern where Black men are consistently scapegoated and labeled deviant, while similar behaviors or trends in other groups go unexamined. The conversation today about Black men’s supposed lack of enthusiasm for Kamala Harris feels eerily similar. Instead of acknowledging the real frustrations Black men (and many others) have with the political system, the focus shifts to lecturing and blaming them, reinforcing harmful stereotypes rather than addressing the systemic issues driving disillusionment.
If anything, Obama should be scolding the very establishment that fails to listen to the legitimate concerns of Black men, that constantly demands their loyalty without delivering meaningful change in return. Black men are not the problem—it’s the system that’s been grinding them down, generation after generation.
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